592#This chapter is the beginning of the second book of the Kojiki and of that part of its contents called 'The Age of Men,' the official pseudo-history beginning with the reign of Emperor Jimmu. 
593# Emperor Jimmu. 
594# Ame nö sita; literally, the 'Under-Heaven'; evidently a term borrowed from the Chinese. 
595# Chapters 47-52 relate in detail Jimniu's eastward migration, which ended when he established his palace in Kasi-para in the land of Yamat&ouml;. Japanese geography is thought of in terms of west and east; thus, a movement from Kyushu to Yamat&ouml;.-actually in a northeasterly direction is spoken of as a movement eastward. The early emperors attached much importance to the location of their palace and, until the Nara period, the court moved to a new palace at the beginning of each reign. Jimmu's concern is to find a good site for ruling the land in peace.<br> Scholars continue to argue whether Jimmu's eastward march reflects a historical migration of the Yamat6 ruling family. Some scholars believe that the Yamat5 rulers originated in Yamato and deny the authenticity of this account, while others admit that the Yamat&ouml; rulers may have moved to Yamato from Kyushu. 
596#
597# A conjectural translation. The original is ideographic and seems to mean literally 'a one-foot-rising palace.' According to one theory, the floor of the palace was near the ground, so that one could step up onto it in one stride (one 'foot').<br> The Nihon shoki uses in this account an ideograph meaning a 'one-pillar-rising palace,' and adds a gloss giving the pronunciation asi-pitotu-agari no [miya]. This is probably the Kojiki pronunciation also. Aston (I, 112) translates the phrase as "a palace raised on one pillar" and says: "Possibly there is here a reminiscence of a nomadic tent life." He quotes  an Irish legend of an island called One-foot "because it was supported by a single pillar in the middle." The ideograph used in the Nihon shoki seems to indicate a simple structure with a single pillar.<br>   At any rate we can be sure that it was a mark of the highest respect to build a separate building for a guest and to entertain him with a large feast. 
598# I.e., towards the (as yet to be established) capital at Yamat&ouml;. Even today the direction toward the capital is "up" and the direction away from it is "down. 
599# Several explanations are possible: (a) that this was a bird deity, like the crow in Chapter 50, sent to guide them across the sea; see verse 15 below; (b) that this was a deity in human form whose movements resembled a bird flapping its wings (cf. 27:6-8ff); he was either engaged in some sort of vigorous exercise or waved his sleeves to show his recognition of the travelers; (c) the word 'wings' may really mean 'sails.'<br>   There may be geographical inconsistencies in this section. See GLOSSARY under Paya-supi. 
600# Kuni-tu-kami; or 'the deity of this land'; cf. note on 19:6. In the Nihon shoki version, he answers that his name is Udu-piko, and agrees to serve as his guide. 
601# Sawo. The personage was brought into the boat on, or by means of, a pole; this may indicate that he was a bird. 
602# Or 'he.'
603# Evidently Kibi. 
604# Awo-kunso n&ouml;; evidently a conventional epithet for Sira-kata. 
605# Tate. 
606#Lit., 'Shield Cove.'
607#Lit., 'Smartweed Cove. 
608# Another indication of the existence of a complex of taboos and traditions about facing (or not facing) the sun. Cf. 128:13. See also ADDITIONAL NOTE I
609#.Ti. 
610# Lit., 'Blood Marsh.' Verses 8 and 12 give the usual Kojiki-type folk etymologies of place names. 
611#Wo-nd-minato; lit., 'River-Mouth of Man.'
612#Wo-takebi. 
613# The ideograph for "he died" is the one used to refer to the death of an emperor.　Motoori holds that Itu-se-n&ouml;-mik&ouml;t&ouml; was the "emperor" before Jimmu. 
614# Kuma. Evidently the unruly deities of the Kumano mountains appeared in the form of a bear, casting a spell over Jimmu and his men. 
615# The text is corrupt and has been restored. 
616# Lit., 'going in and out.' See verse 12 of the Preface. 
617# Or 'lost consciousness. 
618# A title applied to the Yamat6 emperors. 
619# I.e., the magic power of the heavenly sword was in itself sufficient to vanquish immediately all the unruly deities. The name of this celebrated sword and its location at the shrine of Iso-n&ouml;-kami are recorded in the gloss in verse 10. 
620# Or 'unconscious.' 
621# Asi-para-n&ouml;-naka-tu-kuni. 
622# Cf. 32:3. 
623# Cf. 37:24.
624# Or 'is enshrined.'
625# Kami-n&ouml;-miya. 
626# The gloss identifying the sword was inserted in the original text at this point, interrupting the words spoken by Taka-kurazi. Iso-n&ouml;-kami Shrine appears again in 69:12, also in Connection with swords. 
627# Or 'do not allow the child of the heavenly deities to proceed further into the interior than this!'
628# Yata-garasu. CC verse 13 of the Preface. Yata is doubtless from ya-ata, 'eight-lengths,' (cf. 17:rI) and is a modifier referring to the large size of the crow. Crows may have been regarded in early Japan as messengers of the sun-deity or as sacred birds sent to guide travelers. Such a folk belief exists today in Wakayama prefecture, where there is a taboo against driving crows away. Tsugita, p.275. 
629# Kapa-ziri. Apparently a geographical inconsistency due to the oral nature of these traditions; they should be now at the upper reaches of the river. 
630# Ideographic; read upe or yana.
631# Kuni-tu-kamr; or 'a deity of this land.'
632# Or Nipe-m&ouml;tu-n&ouml;-ko.
633# Or Ata; cf. 52:54. 
634# Some commentators suppose that this refers to his costume, which may have had a tail-like appendage. Others say that the early Japanese believed that men who lived in the mountains were animal-like, because of their low state of culture, and thus spoke of them as having tails. Still another theory is that the man referred to was a miner coming out of an underground mine and that his "tail" was some kind of lighting apparatus. (For the latter theory see Matsumoto, Nihon no shinwa, pp.171-76.) See verse 13 of the Preface: "Men with tails blocked the road." There is no account anywhere of them blocking the road. 
635# Wi. 
636#Pikari. 
637#Osi-wake. 
638# Ipapo. 
639# Or 'Ipa-osi-wake-n&ouml;-ko.'
640# Ukati, or ugati. 
641# Or 'Ugati.' Another folk etymology for a place name. 
642# The word ye, meaning 'elder,' is written with the ideograph for 'elder brother,' and the word ot&ouml;, meaning 'younger' with the ideograph for 'younger brother.' As in the case of Ye-siki and Ot&ouml;-siki (cf. 52:47), the meaning may simply be: 'Elder Chief of Ukasi' (perhaps the same place as Ukati in 50:17) and 'Younger Chief of Ukasi.'
643# Nari-kabura; cf. 23:13; cf. also 33:11 in which another arrow is shot at a bird messenger. 
644# Or 'prove that you intend to serve.'
645# Ti-para. 
646# Emperor Jimmu. 
647# Taka-ki; or, perhaps 'high stronghold.'
648# A conjectural translation of isukupasi, the meaning of which is unclear. It appears to be a conventional epithet for kudira in the next line, and kupasi seems to be the adjective meaning 'fair,' 'fine.'
649# Kudira. Some authorities translate the word as 'hawk,' on the rather slim evidence of an old Korean word for 'hawk' with a similar pronunciation. 
650# The first seven lines of the song have seemingly little connection with the rest of it and are evidently a song of joy at capturing an unexpectedly large prey. 
651# Konami; the oldest wife in the polygamous family. The rest of the song is humorous. In the polygamous family, the good parts of the meat are given to the new wife, and the bad parts are portioned out stingily to the old wife, now out of favor. Evidently this is a primitive song-dance sequence which originated in a victory feast and was handed down by the court musicians. 
652# Or 'A slice with little meat, / Like the tati-s&ouml;ba.' 
653# Upanari; the wife married at a more recent date. 
654# Or 'A slice with much meat, I Like the iti-saka-k&iuml;.' 
655# Lines 37 and 39 are not part of the song text, but seem to be glosses explaining the significance of the exclamations in lines 36 and 38. 
656# For further notes on this song, see ADDITIONAL NOTE 20. 
657# Mur&ouml;, a dwelling hollowed out of the ground, typical of prehistoric Japan; cf. 80:1. The Tuti-gumo must have been pit-dwellers. See Aston, I, 71-72. The Ainus of the Kurile islands still lived in pit-dwellings in the early twentieth century, according to Torii Ryu~z8 (Les Ainous des Iles Kouriles [Tokyo University, 1919], pp.253-43). 
658# Or 'numerous. 
659# Takeru; or 'warriors.' As in the proper names (actually titles) Kumas&ouml;-takeru, Yamat&ouml;-takeru, and Idumo-takeru in Chapters 79- 81. 
660# Kasipa-de. 
661# Cf. verse 14 of the Preface. 
662# Mitu-mitusi; an adjective, probably a conventional epithet for the word Kume in the songs in this chapter. 
663# These songs were handed down by the Kum&euml; clan, and are called Kum&euml;-uta, 'songs of the Kum&euml;,' in the Nihon shoki (see ADDITIONAl. NOTE 20). 
664# Kubu-tutu. Kubu means 'knob' ; tutu or tuti meam 'hammer,' 'mallet.' These could be the mallet-headed swords (kubu-tuti n&ouml; tati or kabu-tuti n&ouml; tati) held by the mythical ancestors of the Opo-t&ouml;m&ouml; and Kum&euml; clans in 39:14. 
665# Isi-tutu; either a weapon like a tomahawk or a sword with a knob-shaped head of stone. 
666# Lines 17-21, missing in the Nihon shoki version, can be detached from the rest of the song and taken independently. These final lines are in what was later called the tanka form; this section has been called a forerunner of the hanka, an envoy in tarika form frequently attached to tong poems in the Manyoshu. 
667# Emperor Jimmu. 
668# Cf. Chapter 48. 
669# Kamira. 
670# Pazikami; or, 'ginger.' 
671# A conventional epithet for Ise. 
672# Sitadami; probably equivalent to the Modern Japanese kisago, kishago, or the English periwinkle. 
673# The Nihon shoki (Asahi ed., II, 27) has a version which preserves more accurately the actual style in which the song was sung. In the transcription below, the indented lines are unessential elements; the italicized words are refrains or exclamations, and the unitalicized indented portions are repetitions :<br>     Kamu-kaze n&ouml;<br>     Ise n&ouml; umi n&ouml;<br>     Op-isi ni ya<br>     		　I-papi mot&ouml;poru<br>     Sitadami n&ouml;<br>    Sitadami n&ouml;<br>    Ago y&ouml; ago y&ouml;<br>     		　Sitadami n&ouml;<br>     		　I-papi mot&ouml;pori<br>     Utite si yamamu<br>    Utite si yamamu<br>   The seven essential lines in the Nihon shoki version are practically identical with the Kojiki version, which has been shorn of its unessential elements. Most of the song texts recorded in ancient documents may have been thus reduced. See also Aston, I, 122 and Takeda, Kiki kayoshu zenko, pp.67-69, 231-32. 
674# The Elder Chief and the Younger Chief of the Sik&iuml; district (cf. 51:I). 
675# A conventional epithet for words beginning with i (here, Inasa) because of analogy with iru, 'to shoot.'
676# Or 'O Birds of the Isles, / O U-kapi company.' U-kapi appeared in 50:7 as the name of a corporation of cormorant-keepers. 
677# Ama-tu-sirusi. In the Nihon shoki, in which thc emblems are presented under much more complicated circumstances (see Aston, Nihongi, I, 127-28), they consist of a heavenly feathered arrow (am&euml; n&ouml; papa-ya -as in Kojiki 33:3) and a type of quiver. The importance of the M&Ouml;N&Ouml;-N&Ouml;-be in contemporary politics is reflected in the Nihon shoki account, in which Nigi-paya-pi's descent from the heavens precedes the arrival of Emperor Jimmu. 
678#
679# Opo-kisaki. 
680# I.e., in Yamat&ouml;. 
681# See note to 30:14. This deity, believed to appear in serpentine form, was notorious in early literature for his liking for beautiful women. See ADDITIONAL NOTE 21 for a discussion of the variant versions of this account and of other similar old tales. 
682# Isusukiki. 
683# Cf. 106:12ff. 
684# 'Genitals.' 
685# The verb maku, here translated 'wed,' has various meanings: to wrap, to wrap the arms around, to embrace, to pillow oneself against, to sleep with, to seek. The original meaning of line 7 may have been, "Which of them shall [I] wed?" The lack of honorific expressions seems odd in addressing an emperor. 
686# The reply, as well as the question and answer songs in 14-16 and 18-20, are in the kata-uta metrical form. It was primarily used, as here, for question and answer songs and may have originated in oracular questions arid answers. 
687# Sakeru to-m&euml;; literally, 'pierced sharp eyes' There was an ancient custom, probably of southern Asiatic origin, of tattooing the corners of the eyes in order to accentuate the fierce appearance of the face. The Nihon shoki mentions eye-tattooing as a punishment and also as an identification of certain castes (cf. note to 126:13). Evidently the custom was common only among certain groups. 
688# The meaning of lines 14-15 is not clear. Some commentators say that the words are all names of birds; they may also be nonsense. 
689# The meaning of lines 14-15 is not clear. Some commentators say that the words are all names of birds; they may also be nonsense. 
690# The final line of the reply is couched in almost the same terms as the (question iii line 16. By replying in the same metrical form and using the same terms, he proved his skill at impromptu versifying; this exchange of repartee in verse is immediately followed by the maiden's agreement to obey (verse 21). 
691# Literally 'up.'
692# Some commentators insist that the word sikesiki here means 'dirty,' 'tumble-down.' Such an interpretation would be entirely out of harmony with the rest of the song. 
693# Emperor Suisei; cf.56:I. 
694# Cf. 53:1. A son of Emperor Jimmu by a concubine, he was the elder half-brother of the princes in 54:30. 
695# I.e., he married his own stepmother. Motoori's attempt to interpret the passage to mean that he "debauched" the empress is incorrect. The ideograph means marry.3 
696# The sons of Emperor Jimmu and Isuk&euml;-y&ouml;ri pime. 
697# Cf. 54:22-23. 
698# Cf. 52:62, 55:25. Both of these places were closely connected with Emperor Jimmu. 
699# Taken out of context the songs seem like simple nature verses-an extremely rare  genre in this early period. In context, however, the natural images heighten the feeling of mystery and danger. 
700# There is much evidence that in the most ancient times, primogeniture -or at least some other system than primogeniture -was prevalent. This account may be an attempt to provide a logical explanation for ultimogeniture, written at a time when it had gone into disuse. See Tsugita, p.302. See also note 2 to 46:1. 
701# Ipapi-bit&ouml;; one whose duty was to remain in a state of ritual purity and perform rites and ceremonies, a r6le vital to the government of ancient Japan. 
702# Verses 21-25 are taken from a genealogical source document and seem to follow directly after 54:30.55:1-20 is taken from an entirely different anecdotal source. Verses 21-23 account for the soils of Emperor Jimmu; verses 24-25 give the final data on his reign before the narrative goes on to the next reign. 
703# Lacking in the Shimpuku-ji manuscript. 
704# Lacking in the Shimpuku-ji manuscript. 
705# Kasi-n&ouml;-wo. 
706# Emperor Suisei. The Kojiki includes no anecdotal material about the eight emperors whose reigns are recorded in Chapters 56-63. The chapters consist almost entirely of genealogy, whose authenticity scholars have questioned. Kanda, in a valuable study, has proposed that the genealogies in Chapters 56-63 are not necessarily chronologically consecutive reigns, but may be a composite of four unrelated, roughly contemporary groups (Southern Kadurak&iuml; group-Kosho and Koan; Wani group-Kaika; heavenly descendants group-Korei; Ikoma group-the empresses of K&ouml;gen and Kaika; and Siki group-the aboriginal inhabitants of the Unebi region) which fought among themselves for supremacy over the Yamat&ouml; region. Finally, after the victory of the invaders claiming descent from the heavenly deities (represented by Emperor K&ouml;rei), the diverse elements were artificially welded into one genealogy. Kojiki no kozo, pp. 167-84.<br>   At any rate, although they lack any literary interest, these chapters are basic materials for any reconstruction of the early history of the Yamat&ouml; court. 
707# The Sik&iuml; element is prominent in the name of the child (Emperor Annei-cf. 57:1), and also in 58:2. 
708# His first cousin. She was the daughter of his mother's elder brother; Cf. 56:2. 
709# Lacking in the Maeda manuscript. 
710# Lacking in the Maeda manuscript. 
711# Oddly, no name is given for this child. 
712# Cf. 61:4. 
713# Cf. 61:5. 
714# For the first time in the Kojiki narrative, an eldest son assumes the throne. Siki-tu-piko-tama-de-mi, who reigned as Emperor Annei, was an only child (56:2). 
715# Literally 'on.'
716# Cf. 57:8. 
717# C£ 57:9. 
718# The second element is missing in the manuscripts and has been supplied. 
719# Ipapi-be; cf. 67:20. The early Japanese used to mark borders by rooting jars in the ground and performing rites of worship there. They may have put offerings of wine  in the jars or they may have regarded the jars as the sacred dwelling-places of the spirits guarding the borders. Kidder (p. 196) has suggested that the haniwa, the earliest forms of which were long cylindrical tubes with jar-like openings, were substitutes for these jars "forming a protective barrier or symbolic fence that marks the precincts of the tomb."
720# Miti n&ouml; kuti; literally 'mouth of the road.'
721# Cf. Chapter 67. 
722# Cf. 63:3. 
723# Cf. Chapter 67. 
724# Cf. 67:1. 
725# A sort of Japanese Methuselah who figures in historical anecdotes in Chapters 92-93, 97-98, 102, 104, and 116. His descendants are recorded in detail in verses 11-20. The Soga clan, in particular, had great political influence, at one time threatening even the imperial house. 
726# Naka n&ouml; woka. 
727# Cf. 62:3. 
728# I Cf. 67:2. 
729# Cf. verse 33. 
730# Cf. 69:2, Chapters 70-72. 
731# Papuri, cf. GLOSSARY. 
732# Cf. verse 23. 
733# Cf. verse 25. 
734# Cf. verse 26. 
735# Cf. verse 27. 
736# Actually fifteen. 
737# Cf. :13ff. 
738# It is odd, in view of his later history as a rebel, that his offspring should be recorded (cf. Chapters 70-72). 
739# Cf. verse 12. The daughters of this prince appear again 69:3-5, 72:7, and 75:1, but there are discrepancies in their names and numbers. 
740# Cf. 69:3, 75:1-2. In 72:7 it is evidently she who is identified as Ye-pime. 
741# Cf. Chapter 75. 
742# Cf. 72:7,75:1-2. 
743# Cf. verse 13. 
744# Cf. verse 13. 
745# Cf. 106:26. 
746# Empress Jingu; Cf. 91:3. 
747# Cf. verse 5. 
748# The future emperor Suinin; cf. verse 6, 69:1. 
749# An abbreviation of T&ouml;y&ouml;-suki-iri-pime-n&ouml;-mik&ouml;t&ouml; (verse 2). 
750# Cf. 69:15, 142:13; that is, she became the high priestess of Ama-terasu-opo-mikami., who was later worshipped at the Great Shrine of Ise. The Nihon shoki says that T&ouml;y&ouml;-suki-iri-pime-n&ouml;-mik&ouml;t&ouml; performed her worship in a village called Kasanupi in Yamat&ouml; (cf. Aston, 1, 151-52). Later the worship of Ama-terasu-opo-mi-kami was taken from her and entrusted to Yamat&ouml;-pime-n&ouml;-mik&ouml;t&ouml;, who took the goddess to Ise and founded the Great Shrine there. Ibid., 176-77. 
751# Pit&ouml;-gaki; see ADDITIONAL NOTE 22. 
752# Kamu-d&ouml;k&ouml;; perhaps a place where one retired in a state of ritual purity in order to receive divine revelations. Or the word 'divine bed' may merely mean 'the emperor's bed.' Cf. 124:1. 
753# Cf. verse 15 of the Preface. The prominence here of this deity, an Idumo deity, may reflect early Idumo pressure on the Yamat&ouml; kingdom. 
754# I.e., "It is I who have caused the pestilence." 
755# In this version, Opo-m&ouml;n&ouml;-nusi was his great-great-grandfather (but see 66:1, 14). In the Nihon shoki, Opo-tata-neko is the son of Opo-m&ouml;n&ouml;-nusi. Aston, I, 53. 
756# A similar expression, suspiciously continental in sentiment, is found in 68:5. 
757# Kamu-nusi. 
758# Ame n&ouml; yaso-biraka; cf. 37:7. 
759# 'Shrine' here is yasir&ouml;. For 'heavenly deities' and 'earthly deities' see note on 19:6. Emperor Sujin is credited with establishing some systematic organization of shrine administration; perhaps at this point some compromise was worked out between the groups worshipping the 'heavenly deities' and those worshipping the 'earthly deities.'
760# Weapons were evidently offered to shrines and preserved there to obtain protection from enemy intrusions. Cf. also 69:12. 
761# Cf the expression in 24:13, 15. 
762# Mi-te-gura. 
763# For parallels of this tale in other ancient documents see ADDITIONAL NOTE 21. 
764# Cf. 65:7. 
765# Or 'in the world.' 
766# No doubt an indication that this deity assumed the form of a snake. 
767# Mi-wa. 
768# See note on 65:7. In the Nihon shoki Opo-tata-neko is the son of Opo-m&ouml;n&ouml;-nusi and Iku-tama-y&ouml;ri-bime. This verse completes the story begun in verse I; verses 15-16 are glosses. 
769#. A son of Emperor Kogen and uncle of Emperor Sujin; cf.62:2. 
770# Miti; literally, `way.`
771# Cf. 62:7. 
772# Believed to correspond to the later T&ouml;kaid&ouml; and T&ouml;zand&ouml; districts. 
773# Cf. 63:4, 10-14.
774# Many manuscripts have 'Tadima.' 
775# K&ouml;shi-mo. It is not clear why this garment should be sufficiently unusual to be specially mentioned. 
776# Emperor Sujin's name; cf. 64:1. The three dubious ideographs at the beginning of the song have been omitted, following most modern authorities. 
777# Literally, 'That they are plotting to kill by stealth your life.' The word translated 'life' is wo, which apparently means 'cord,' i.e., the cord on which beads [tama-meaning both 'bead' and 'soul'] are strung. 
778# The Nihon shoki (Asahi ed., II, 82) records the song in two different versions:<br>	A.	Mimaki-iri-biko ya pa	Alas, Mimaki-iri-biko!<br>		Ond ga wo wo	Little knowing<br>		Sisemu t&ouml;	That they are plotting<br>		Nusumaku sirani	In stealth to take your life,<br>		Pime-nasobi su mo	You disport yourself with women!<br>	B.	Opoki to yori	Little knowing<br>		Ukakapite	That they are looking in<br>		K&ouml;r&ouml;samu t&ouml;	Through the great door<br>		Suraku wo sirani	In an attempt to kill you,<br>		Pime-nasobi su mo	You disport yourself with women!<br> See also Aston, I, 156 and Takeda, Kiki kayoshu zenko, pp.77-80, 239-41. 
779# The song was regarded as an oracle appearing mysteriously in the maiden's mouth. The Nihon shoki includes a number of songs called waza-uta, popular ditties which suddenly appeared and spread quickly among the masses; the compilers of the official histories superstitiously regarded these songs as prophecies of future events. 
780# Elsewhere (62:4), he is said to be the half-brother of Opo-biko-n&ouml; -mik&ouml;t&ouml;, and therefore the uncle of Emperor Sujin. 
781# Ipapi-be; cf.61:8. 
782# Id&ouml;miki. 
783# Verses 23, 29, 31, and 32 give folk etymologies of place names. 
784# Ipapi-ya; a sacred arrow shot ceremonially at the beginning of a battle. 
785# Kuso. 
786# Pakama. 
787# Kapa. 
788# U. 
789# Papuri. 
790# Cf. 67:1. 
791# Cf. 67:1. 
792# Yuki-apiki. 
793# A folk etymology of a place name. 
794# A similar Chinese-style expression is recorded in 65:8. 
795# I.e., tribute from the men's hunting and the women's handicrafts. Emperor Sujin is credited with initiating the tribute system. 
796# This seems to be a title signifying that he was the first emperor. The Nihon shoki applies an almost identical title to Emperor Jimmu (cf. Aston, I, 133). Because of the many accounts of Emperor Sujin as the initiator of various political and social systems, and because of the lack of narratives about the eight previous reigns (Chapters 56-63), some scholars have asserted that the original form of these pseudo-historical narratives began with Sujin; and that Emperor Jimmu and the eight reigns between Jimmu and Sujin were either later fabrications to give an illusion of great antiquity to the dynasty or derivations from different source documents. There may be some support for this theory in the fact that the Kojiki begins to record the death dates of the emperors from Emperor Sujin (see note to verse 9). If, as is supposed, Sujin's death was 258 or 318 A.D., he lived at the very beginning of the tomb period, when the so-called tomb culture was beginning in Yamat&ouml;. 
797# But see also 109:16. 
798# Emperor Suinin (69:11) and Emperor Ojin (104:2, 4) are also credited with the construction of ponds. Rice-paddy cultivation was predominant, and these ponds may have been storage reservoirs for water needed in rice cultivation; see Got&ouml; Shuichi in Kojiki taisei, IV, 280. 
799# The Nihon shoki records his age as 120 at his death (Aston, I, 164). Kanda (pp. 185-210) has a striking theory that Yasumard, in compiling the Kojiki from earlier sources, mistook the characters 御年 as "years" whereas they really meant "rice harvest." Thus, originally, he says, such numbers as 168 were not years of age, but the numbers of units of rice harvested from the plantations under the emperor's direct ownership. They were indexes of the emperor's privately owned farm land. 
800# 戉寅.Read tsuchinoto tora. The fifteenth year of each sixty-year cycle. This is the first of fifteen death-date glosses appearing in the Kojiki. The dates are recorded in the Chinese-style sixty-year cycles. In most cases the dates differ from those recorded in the Nihon shoki; for instance, the date given for the death of Sujin in the Nihon shoki is the sixty-eighth year of his reign, which is traditionally said to be 30 B.C. The fifth year of the Tiger, the Kojiki date, occurs its early history in the years 43 B.C., i8 A.D., 78, 138, 198, 258, and 318. Kanda (pp.222-23) argues that the date 258 is most probable, while Suematsu Yasukazu (in Kojiki tarset, IV, 240) prefers 318. Andre' Wedemeyer also accepts 258 (Japanische Fr&uuml;hgeschichte [Tokyo: Deutsche Gesellschaft fur Natur- und V&ouml;lkerkunde Ostasiens, 1930] p.20).<br>   The Kojiki death dates of the early emperors, whether "historical" or not, are of great interest to the historian. The dates are obviously contradictory to, and derived from different sources than, the enumerations of their "years" (Kanda, p.154). Kanda (p. 165) supposes that these death dates were taken from old records handed down by continental immigrants, and shows that these dates are more reliable than the obviously contrived dates found in the Nihon shoki. The same general conclusions were reached by Wedeｍeyer (op. cit.). 
801# Cf. 89:20. 
802# Cf. 64:4. 
803# Also called Sapo-bime; cf. 63:11. She is Suinin's cousin; for her later history see Chapters 70-72. 
804# Called Po-muti-wake-n&ouml;-miko in 72:2. 
805# Cf. 63:23, 75:1-2. Evidently she is the Ye-pime of 72:7. 
806# No such younger sister is mentioned in 63:23 or 75:1. 
807# No such younger sister is mentioned in 63:23 or 75:1. 
808# Lacking in the manuscripts; added on the authority of verse 21. 
809# Lacking in the manuscripts; added on the authority of verse 21. 
810# Cf verse 22 and 89:1. 
811# Emperor Keik&ouml;; cf. 77:1. 
812# Tuwe; literally, 'staff.' There is a similar record in 120:2-3 of the height and dental peculiarities of Emperor Hanzei. Emperor Keiko's height and leg4ength must have been remarkable to merit recording in a historical account. Unfortunately, we no longer understand the significance of these measures. 
813# Ki; or 'notches.'
814# Saka. 
815# Lacking in the Shimpuku-ji manuscript. 
816# Lacking in the Shimpuku-ji manuscript. 
817# Kami-n&ouml;-miya. 
818# Cf. 49:10. Another presentation of weapons to shrines occurs in 6j It. In later periods many presentations were made to Iso-n&ouml;-kami Shrine, so that the shrine treasury came to resemble a sort of arsenal. Zukai kokogaku jiten (Tokyo Sogensha, 1959), p.52. One of the famous swords preserved there is the seven-pronged sword discussed in the note to 104:7. 
819# I.e., at Kapakami. The Nihon shoki portrays Inisiki-n&ouml;-iri-biko as being in charge of the treasury of Iso-n&ouml;-kami shrine. See Aston, I, 183-84. See also GLOSSARY under Inisiki-n&ouml;-iri-biko. 
820# Cf. 64:8, 82:3-4, 6. 
821# The first record in the Kojiki of this type of social organization; for a definition see GLOSSARY. 
822# But compare 142:12. 
823# Cf. 89:1. 
824# Although Sapo-bime claims, in verse 13, to have made this answer under sonic sort of duress, her later actions (cf. verse 17 and 72:8) reveal clearly the strength of her attachment to her brother. Although brothers and sisters born of different mothers were free to marry in ancient Japan, there was a strict taboo against relations between siblings born of the same mother. Another story of brother-sister incest is that of Prince Karu in Chapter 122. 
825# Ya-sipo-wori n&ouml; pinto-gatana; cf. 19:16. Perhaps 'a dagger with a deeply dyed cord.'
826# The emperor is, curiously, never embittered against Empress Sapo-bime (cf. 71 :4), but seeks vengeance only against her brother. In Chapter 71 he even seeks to regain Sapo-bime after she has run away to be with her brother. 
827# Miko; i.e., Sapo-biko-n&ouml;-miko. 
828# Inaki; a granary? Perhaps a house fortified by sheaves of rice stalks piled around it; at any rate, some sort of stronghold. The word is also used in the Nihon shoki: Aston translates it as 'rice-castle' (II, 364) and 'rice-fort' (II, 113). 'Or 'unable to endure [the thought] of her elder brother. 
829# Either to surround [the stronghold] or to mark time. 
830# Or 'while nothing was being done.'
831# Some manuscripts have 'skillfully.'
832# Lacking in the Shimupuku-ji manuscript. 
833# Lacking in the Shimupuku-ji manuscript. 
834# K&ouml;t&ouml;-waza.
835# T&ouml;k&ouml;r&ouml; enu tama-tukuri; literally, 'The bead makers who do not gain land.' Motoori suggests that the saying was used when a person expected praise but received blame instead. Kojiki-den III, 1395. 
836# Or, with Motoori, 'sent word.'
837# Another indication of strong maternal rights in a society in which the children were reared in the mother's home. 
838# Po-naka. Another example of a child born in a burning building―also in a case of strained marital relations; cf. 41:16. Perhaps Sapo-bime also desired to prove her innocence by ukepi. The Kojiki nowhere else states that the stronghold went up in flames. 
839# But he is called Po-mutu-wake-n&ouml;-mik&ouml;t&ouml; in 69:2 and in the Nihon shoki. 
840# Opo-yuwe, waka-yuwe; cf. 74:12. The bathing of infants of illustrious birth was basically a magic rite and was accompanied by much pomp and ritual; thus the "bathing women" were primarily special court functionaries charged with a vital ritual role rather than children's nurses. 
841# I.e., 'Who is to take your place as my consort'? The custom of a wife or lover tying a cord on a man's garment is frequently mentioned in the Manyoshu. 
842# Evidently the Pibasu-pime of 63:23, 69:3, and 75:1. 
843# Cf. 63:23 and 75:1-2. This name is not mentioned in Chapter 69. 
844# Miti-n&ouml;-usi-n&ouml;-miko was a half-brother of Sapo-bime (cf. 63:11-12). 
845# Variously interpreted as 'subjects of noble birth'; 'unsullied, pure subjects'; 'faithful and goodly subjects.'
846# I.e., she joined him in death, evidently by suicide. 
847# See note on 13:2. It is interesting to speculate on the similarities in the behavior of Susa-n&ouml;-wo and this prince, and the reasons for their childish, retarded mental state. In both cases mental infancy was prolonged abnormally : in the first, there is prolonged crying and destructive tantrum-like behavior; here there is an inability to speak until near adulthood. In the first case, the result was banishment by the father; but in this case the power of speech is gained miraculously. It is striking that in both cases the children are born into abnormal family situations : Susa-n&ouml;-wo after the separation of Izanagi and Izanami; and Po-muti-wake in a burning building and soon abandoned by his mother. There may be a connection between the prince's "curse" of speechlessness and his mother's infidelity. 
848# Or, according to some commentators, 'crane. 
849# Perhaps, 'he opened and shut his mouth like a fish.'
850# Some manuscripts have 'Tadima.' Another frantic chase after a bird is recorded in 88:8-31. Perhaps in this case also the bird is thought to be the external soul or soul-substitute of the prince, and its capture to make it possible to restore the prince's power of speech. In the Nihon shoki version, the prince did in fact learn to speak after the bird bad been captured and brought to him (Aston, 1, 175). Tsuda remarks that the names of the lands in this section date from the Taika Reform (645 A.D.), when the lands and counties were reorganized. Thus, there is evidence of late redaction of this section. Nihon koten no kenkyu, 1, 253. 
851# I.e., wana-ami, 'trap-net. 
852# Or 'Again, when [the prince] saw the bird, [the emperor] thought that he would say something, but he did not speak as he had thought. 
853# Miya. 
854# Mi-araka; literally, 'temple.' In early Japanese, the words for shrine and palace were almost always interchangeable. 
855# The same deity made a similar demand in 37:3. Perhaps the Kojiki compiler wishes us to understand that at this time there had been a decline in the fortunes of Idumo, which was no longer kept in splendor equal to that of the imperial palaces. 
856# Puto-mani; cf. 5:2. 
857#Tatari; i.e., that the prince was mute. 
858# Like 65:3, an indication of the Yamat&ouml; court's preoccupation with Idumo and its deity. 
859# Cf. 63:15-16. 
860# Uk&euml;pi; see 14:10. 
861# Sagi. 
862# Literally, 'door.' 
863# Cf. 134:18. Another interpretation is, 'a roundabout road, an auspicious road.' It must have been unlucky to meet crippled or blind persons on the road. 
864# Awo-ba-yama; perhaps a green arch or enclosure like the awo-pusi-gaki in 35:13. As is evident from the next verse, such "mountains" were not uncommon as sacred arenas. 
865# Opo-nipa; literally, 'great plaza.'
866# Papuri. 
867# Cf. 20:19, 23:5. 
868# Miya. 
869# Since verses 5-9 have no connection with the narrative, they must have been inserted here―and not too skillfully―from some other documentary source. The story of P&iuml;-naga-pime, of which we are given only this outline, seems to be a prototype of the familiar Dojoji tale involving Kiyohime, a snake-maiden, and the priest Anchin. 
870# Cf. 45:7. 
871# Similar words are found in 10:1 and 45:7. 
872# Cf. 30:10. 
873# Ancient boats were small canoe-like vessels which could easily be carried on land. Tsugita, p. 363. 
874# Kam&iuml;-n&ouml;-miya. 
875# Opo-yuwe, waka-yuwe; cf. 72:4. 
876# In 63:23 Miti-n&ouml;-usi-n&ouml;-miko is recorded as having four children, including one boy. In 69:3-5 Emperor Suinin is said to have married Pibasu-pime-n&ouml;-mik&ouml;t&ouml; and Azami-n&ouml;-iri-bime-n&ouml;-mik&ouml;t&ouml;. The "words of the empress" Sapo-bime in 72:7 mentioned only two sisters: Ye-pime and Ot&ouml;-pime. 
877# Cf. 63:23, 69:3. Evidently she is the Ye-pime of 72:7. 
878# Cf. 63:23, 72:7. 
879# This is the only reference to her. 
880# Cf. 63:23. 
881# This conflicts with 69:3-5, in which he takes three of the sisters. 
882# There is a similar rejection of an ugly sister in 41:8. 
883# T&ouml;ri-sagari. 
884# 'Hanging tree'; a folk etymology. 
885# Otite. 
886# 'Fall-Land'; another folk etymology. 
887# In 106:24 he is identified as the great-great-grandson of Am&euml;-n&ouml;-pi-pok&ouml;, the deity who came from Korea to Japan. 
888# Here, a land far across the sea. Tsuda sees influences in this section of Chinese beliefs in supernatural beings (hsien) who live in a sort of fairyland-sometimes an island in the sea (Horai). He equates the T&ouml;k&ouml;-y&ouml; of this passage with a Chinese-type fairyland. Nihon koten no kenkyu, I, 253-55. 
889# T&ouml;kiziku n&ouml; kaku n&ouml; k&iuml;; a tree giving fruit out of season. The Manyoshu (XVIII, 4111-12) includes a song by Otomo no Yakamochi celebrating the wild orange tree, in which the same term is used and the legend of Tadima-mori is repeated. 
890# Following Motoori's interpretation. Literally, 'garlands eight garlands, spears eight spears.' The word 'garlands,' here translated as 'leafy branches,' may have been wreaths of fruit meant to be worn around the head. 'Spears' almost certainly refers to branches bearing fruit. 
891# Literally, 'at the door of.' 
892# The Nihon shoki makes him 140 years old at his death; the Kojiki does not record his death date. 
893# The element piko is missing in the manuscript and has been supplied on the authority of 61:5, 61:10. 
894# Cf. 64:3. 
895# Emperor Seimu. 
896# Cf. 99:2-3. 
897# Women from Kyushu were seldom made imperial concubines at this period. The Nihon shoki includes one account in which this marriage took place when the emperor was in Kyushu. Aston, I, 196. 
898# Another Kaguro-pime is mentioned as a consort of Emperor Ojin in 99:12. 
899# Actually the grandson. Perhaps: 'Again he took as wife the great-grandchild of Yama&ouml;-takeru-n&ouml;-mik&ouml;t&ouml;, the daughter of Sume-ir&ouml;-opo-naka-tu-piko-n&ouml;-miko, whose name was Kaguro-pime.' 
900#
901# The passage may reveal an ancient custom of appointing more than one successor.  It is strange that we hear nothing more of Ipo-k&iuml;-n&ouml;-iri-piko-n&ouml;-mik&ouml;t&ouml;. For the relations between Waka-tarasi-piko (Emperor Seimu) and Yamat&ouml;-takeru, see Kanda's hypothesis in the note to 89:8. 
902# This and the following three titles were hereditary titles given to local rulers. Since the local regions were actually ruled by old families unrelated to the imperial family, the validity of this account is highly questionable. See Tsuda, Nihon koten no kenkyu, I, 235-38. 
903# Emperor Seimu; cf. 90:1. 
904# Or 'caused them to wait a long time.' 
905# Minato; perhaps 'sea-strait.' 
906# Evidently Opo-usu-n&ouml;-mik&ouml;t&ouml;, the elder brother, had absented himself from his father's presence because of the embarrassing incident involving the two sisters in 78:1-4. The sons' presence at their father's table signified that they harbored no rebellious intentions. Kurano, Kojiki hyokai, p. 131. 
907# Such a display of brutality must have been recorded to show the great strength of the boy-hero. Takagi Ichinosuke sees Yamat&ouml;-takeru-n&ouml;-mik&ouml;t&ouml;'s actions as an indication of his "romantic spirit." Yoshino no ayu (Iwanami Shoten, 1941), pp. 29-44. See also ADDITIONAL NOTE 23. 
908# Literally, 'take.' 
909# The Nihon shoki says that he was sixteen years old. Aston, I, 200. Here we are clearly in the realm of the folk tale of the boy-hero who single-handedly vanquishes many enemies. Kurano, Kojiki hyokai, pp. 132-33. 
910# The high priestess of Ise; his father's younger sister; cf. 69:3, 15. She gave him women's clothing, which he later put to good use (80:4). Motoori says that he received the garments of the priestess in order to attach to himself the spirit of the deity of Ise. Kojiki-den, IV, 1507. 
911# The word 'small' is lacking in some manuscripts. 
912# The ideographs used are those applied to the journey of an emperor. Here and elsewhere the Kojiki speaks of Yamat&ouml;-takeru-n&ouml;-mik&ouml;t&ouml; as if he were an emperor; the Hitachi Fudoki also refers to him some twelve times as "Emperor Yamat&ouml;-takeru." On this point see the note to 89:8. 
913# Mur&ouml;; cf. 52:1. 
914#. I.e., the elder brother. 
915# Or "buttocks." 
916# Cf. 6:11. 
917# Takeki; related etymologically to the word takeru. 
918# Anato. Here we learn that yamat&ouml;-takeru's mission was also a religious one. In this sense, like Emperor Jimmu (52:62), he lived in a world of myth in which one could subjugate the deities by subjugating their worshippers. 
919# As above in the words Kumas&ouml;-takeru and Yamato-takeru, this is the takeru or 'brave hero' of Idumo. 
920# Or 'compare our swords.' 
921# The words yatum&euml; sasu appear to be a corruption of ya-kumo tatu, the standard literary epithet applied to Idumo, as in 20:6-7. The Nihon shoki version of this song has ya-kumo tatu. In any case, the first line is merely an epithet introducing the word Idumo and probably has no semantic importance itself. 
922# The Nihon shoki connects this narrative and song with entirely different persons (cf. Aston, I, 162-63). As in many cases, the narrative was probably handed down independently, and was only secondarily related to these particular historic personages. 
923# Miti; literally, 'way.' 
924# Pipirag&iuml; n&ouml; ya-pir&ouml;-pok&ouml;; a symbol of delegated authority or a magic implement. 
925# Miya. 
926# Mi-kado; the word is usually applied to the palace or court of an emperor. Here it means the shrine where the deity dwells. 
927# She was the high priestess of the shrine; cf. 69:3, 15. 
928# Cf. 19:22, 39:2, 85:33. Like the garments in 79:11, the sword and the bag were given him to provide supernatural protection. 
929# As in 80:16, part of his mission is the subjugation of deities. 
930# Cf. 23:14. 
931# Cf. 82:6. 
932# P&iuml;-uti. 
933# The name of the sword was Kusa-nagi, or 'Grass-mower'; cf.19:22. 
934# Yaki. 
935# Literally, 'Burning Ford.' 
936# The word is usually applied only to the consorts of ruling emperors (cf. note to 79:11). Tsuda thinks that the sudden appearance of Ot&ouml;-tatibana-pime proves that this story is a later addition. Nihon koten no kenkyu, I,197. 
937# Maturi-g&ouml;t&ouml;; the word is also used in this sense in 95:1. 
938# The same types of carpets were used in the palace of the sea-deity as a mark of respect (cf. 43:26). 
939# Literally, 'asked'; perhaps better translated 'spoke to me'; 'inquired for my safety.' Originally this song may have been connected with the custom of spring field-burning.
940# Sane sasi: a literary epithet of doubtful significance. The translation follows Takeda (Kiki kayoshu zenko, p. 83). 
941# A plant of the onion or garlic family. See GLOSSARY. 
942# Perhaps this, together with a similar encounter with a mountain deity in Chapter 86, contributed to the downfall of Yamat&ouml;-takeru-n&ouml;-mik&ouml;t&ouml;, which begins in Chapter 86. 
943# Aduma pa ya. 
944# For his versatility in impromptu verse-making: the old man had skillfully replied in the same metrical form as the question-song, the kata-uta form (cf. Chapters 54 and 137). The art of composing renga, a form of linked verse popular in the Edo period, has sometimes been called Tsukuba no michi ("the Way of Tsukuba"), alluding to the Tukuba of this chapter. 
945# In reality, Aduma was far too large a region to have been ruled by a single kuni-n&ouml;-miyatuko; the account is plainly fictitious. 
946# Sinano n&ouml; saka n&ouml; kam&iuml;. 
947# In 82:7-8. 
948# Following Takeda, who interprets kubi as 'swan.' Kiki kayoshu zenko, pp. 87-88. 
949# Or 'Although I wish to sleep / With it as my pillow.' 
950# I.e., the menses have appeared; a euphemism. Women may have been considered polluted during the menstrual period, as in later centuries in Japan; or they may have been considered sacred to the gods and therefore unapproachable during this time. In the latter case, menstrual blood, far from being a defilement, would be a sign of religious consecration, and this song merely a light and roundabout expression of disappointment that ritual considerations prevent immediate sexual union. See Orikuchi Shinobu, Nihon bungakushi noto (Chuokoronsha, 1957), I, 102-113. 
951# Yasumisisi / wa ga opo-kimi. A conventional epithet for an emperor. There is no accepted interpretation of its meaning: 'ruling in peace' is one of the many possible renderings. Another example of the imperial treatment accorded to Yamat&ouml;-takeru-n&ouml;-mik&ouml;t&ouml; in the Kojiki. 
952# I.e., menses should appear. The reply is a good example of feminine repartee by means of song: the princess adroitly shifts the blame to the man. Variants of the songs in this chapter are treated in ADDITIONAL NOTE 24. 
953# Cf. 19:22, 39:2, 82:6, and 87:23-27. According to tradition, the sword isenshrined at Atsuta Shrine in Owari (Wopari), modern Nagoya. 
954# Cf. 84:14 in which the deity of Asi-gara Pass appeared as a deer. In the Nihon shoki account, the deity of this mountain is a large snake. 
955# K&ouml;t&ouml;-ag&euml; site; literally, 'raised up words'; i.e., spoke up boldly. Tsugita (p. 403) defines k&ouml;t&ouml;-ag&euml; as "to proclaim one's own will in opposition to a god's will." There was evidently a taboo against speaking in a. certain manner to divine beings. To do so was as reprehensible as to rebel against a revelation of the divine win expressed in an oracle, divination, dream, or uk&euml;pi, and was sure to incur divine wrath. 
956# Or 'misled,' 'confused,' 'caused to lose consciousness'; Cf. 49:2. 
957# Mi-k&ouml;k&ouml;r&ouml;. 
958# Sam&euml;-masiki. 
959# This passage may mean either 'I had always wished to fly ...,' or 'I had always thought that I was flying. . . .' 
960# Tagi-tagisiku, which Motoori interprets as "they have become like rudders [tagisi]."
961# Mi-tuwe wo tukite. 
962# A refrain not necessarily semantically connected with the rest of the song; it is used again in 134:20. 
963# Recorded also in the Nihon shoki, this song is thought to have been a folk song. 
964# Mi-pe n&ouml; magari. Motoori suggests the image of a twisted rice cake (magari-mochi). Kojiki-den, IV, 1608-09. Kurano prefers to think of it as a three-fold bend in the road. Kojiki hyokai, p. 144. 
965# Kuni wo sinopite; cf. verse 16. 
966# The Yamat&ouml; of the song is the central part of the land of Yamat&ouml;, present-day Nara prefecture, In the Nihon shoki, this and the following two songs are given in a different order and attributed to Emperor Keiko during a sojourn in Kyushu. Aston, I, 197. No doubt they were originally connected with some ancient rite of land-praising or land-surveying. See Aiso, p. 127. 
967# Tatami-k&ouml;m&ouml; is a conventional epithet applied to words beginning with the syllable pe -- like Peguri -- perhaps because of a phonetic association with the word pe, meaning 'layer,' or with the word pedate, 'separation,' since matting separates one from the bare floor. Takeda, Kiki kayoshu zenko, p. 95. The same words appear again in 128:20-21. 
968# Takeda explains the song as one of nostalgic yearning; wearing oak leaves in the hair was the custom at religious festivals in the home village. Ibid., p. 96. Tsuchihashi thinks the song was a folk song in which an aged person admonishes the young to enjoy themselves while they are still young. Tsuchihashi Yutaka and Konishi Jin'ichi, eds., Nihon koten bungaku taikei, III: Kodai kayoshu (Iwanami Shoten, 1957), 57. 
969# Or 'these songs are'; it is unclear whether one or both are meant. 
970# 'Land-recalling song'; cf. verse I. 
971# Perhaps the kata-uta completing the series of three kuni-sinopi-uta; see Takeda, Kiki kayoshu zenko, p. 96. For other kata-uta see Chapters 54 and 84. 
972# Out of context the song may be one of regret or praise for a sword left by a maiden's bed. It has been inserted here to refer to the sword Kusa-nagi which Yamat&ouml;-takeru left with Miyazu-pime. 
973# The ideograph here is the one applied to the death of an emperor. 
974# Their names are given in Chapter 89. 
975# Naduki-ta. The meaning of this term, which appears also at the beginning of the next song, is unclear; it is said to mean 'the bordering or neighboring rice paddies.' 
976# This line (corresponding to the line Naduki n&ouml; in the original) is unclear. The explicit meaning of the song is simply that vines grow among the rice stems; undoubtedly the compiler of the Kojiki intended it to represent the grief of the mourners. Tachibana Moribe, as well as Motoori, beheved that the text was incomplete. Moribe (Itsu no koto-waki [Fuzambo, 1941], p.122) proposed adding the following five lines:<br>       Si ga tura n&ouml;	Like these vines,<br>       I-papi m&ouml;t&ouml;pori	Which crawl around,<br>       M&ouml;t&ouml;porite	Do we go around<br>       Ne naki t&ouml;p&euml;d&ouml;m&ouml;	Weeping aloud, but in vain,<br>       K&ouml;t&ouml; m&ouml; n&ouml;rasanu	For there is no reply.<br>Although it has been suggested that the song was originally a folk song of love (see notes under verse 25), I am inclined to agree instead with Takeda, that it was originally a funeral song. Kiki kayoshu zenko, p. 99. 
977# Ya-pir&ouml; siro-ti-d&ouml;ri; ti-d&ouml;ri may mean 'plover,' but this is unlikely. There was evidently a behef that the souls of the dead were transformed into white birds and flew off. Compare this with the account of the bird-chase in Chapter 73 and with the funeral rites recounted in 34:3-4. 
978# Some manuscripts have 'endured.' 
979# Compare the idea of this song with Yamat&ouml;-takeru's complaint in 86:8. The song, in its touching expression of the tragedy of finite, earth-bound man, has all almost philosophical quality. 
980# Therefore, it is hard for us to follow in its path. Takeda interprets: "Like the plover of the beach, we do not go along the beaches. . . ." Kiki kayoshu zenko, p. l0l. Tsuchihashi suggests that this may be a riddle song asking why the bird called the 'beach-plover, which one would expect to go along the beaches, instead goes along the rocks. Tsuchihashi and Konishi, p. 58. 
981# These same four songs have been revived in recent years as part of the gagaku repertory of the Imperial Household Agency's music department; it is said that they are performed at funerals of members of the imperial family. They are known in the music department under the collective name ruika, 'mourning songs.' Nippon Hoso Kyokai, Toyo gagaku goi (1954), pp. 30, 86. 
982# Sira-t&ouml;ri n&ouml; mi-paka. 
983# Kasipade (see GLOSSARY). 
984# Cf. 69:8, 22. 
985# Emperor Suinin; cf. 69:1. 
986# Emperor Chuai; cf. note to verse 8. 
987# Cf. 84:3. The Kojiki does not tell us anything about her ancestry. 
988# Cf. 82:2. 
989# This was Emperor Chuai (cf. 91:1), who became emperor after Seimu, Chuai's uncle and Yamat&ouml;-takeru's half-brother. Since the usual manner of succession was from father to son, such succession from uncle to nephew is highly suspect. From time to time we have noted indications in the Kojiki that Yamat&ouml;-takeru was treated as an emperor. Kanda (pp. 227-43) proposes that after Keiko's death, the kingdom was split, Seimu ruling in one part (perhaps in Mino) and his brother Yamat&ouml;-takeru in another (perhaps in Kib&iuml;). After they died, the kingdom was reunited under Chuai, who succeeded his father Yamat&ouml;-takeru in the regular pattern of succession. 
990# The text is imperfect; see GLOSSAR under Ise. 
991# Cf. 99:9. 
992# Cf. 108:1. 
993# His grandniece; i.e., the granddaughter of his half-brother Okinaga-ta-wak&euml;-n&Ouml;-miko. 
994# Cf. 77:8. Another Kaguro-pime appears in 99:12. 
995# Cf. 91:2. These two princes rebelled against Empress Jingu (cf. 96:3 ff) 
996# The Kojiki gives us no death-date for this emperor, who is quite overshadowed by Yamat&ouml;-takeru-n&ouml;-mik&ouml;t&ouml; in the narrative. Nakajima (pp. 353, 356-57) suggests that Yamat&ouml;-takeru and Emperor Keiko were one but came to be thought of as two individuals. For Kanda's theory see above, note 6. 
997# Cf. 68:10. 
998# Emperor Seimu was a son of Emperor Keiko (Cf. 77:3) and a half-brother of Yamat&Ouml;-takeru-n&ouml;-mik&ouml;t&ouml;. It is strange that he was succeeded, not by his own son, but by Yamat&ouml;-takeru's son (cf. note to 89:8). 
999# The Nihon shoki does not mention Emperor Seimu's palace but tells us that Emperor Keiko lived in this palace in the later years of his reign and that he died there. Thus, Seimu ruled in the palace of his father. Aston, I, 214. See also note to 121:1. 
1000# The Nihon shoki does not give the name of this son, and nothing further is recorded of Emperor Seimu's descendants in the Kojiki or Nihon shoki. His line was completely replaced by Yamat&ouml;-takeru's descendants. 
1001# Cf. 62:10. 
1002# These activities are mentioned in verse 17 of the Preface, and the Nihon shoki recounts them in more detail, (Aston, I, 215-16). If Emperor Seimu existed, he would have reigned in the first half of the fourth century, when the Japanese islands became a unified state ruled from Yamat&ouml;. Thus these accounts are not improbable. 
1003# 乙卯 Read kinoto ushi, the fifty-second year in each sixty-year cycle. This year occurred in 175, 235, 295, 355, etc. The Nihon shoki records Emperor Seimu's death date as 190, but 355 is the most probable date. 
1004# Cf. 89:1, 8. Emperor Chuai probably reigned about the middle of the fourth century. At this time Japan began to extend its influence on the Korean peninsula. 
1005# A clear indication that Kyushu belonged to the Yamat&ouml; kingdom by the middle of the fourth century. With Kyushu as base, the Yamat&ouml; forces invaded Korea in 369. Suematsu Yasukazu, Mimana koboshi (Oyashima Shuppan, 1949), pp. 56-58. 
1006# Cf. 89:17-8. 
1007# Cf. 96:3ff. 
1008# Empress Jingu. After Chuai's death, she acted as regent for her son Ojin. For her ancestry see 63:29 and 106:26. 
1009# Emperor Ojin (99:1). 
1010# T&ouml;m&ouml;; cf. 14:6. 
1011# I.e., there were early signs that he was destined to rule the kingdom; cf. 93:4-7. The "land" may be a reference to Korea and its conquest. 
1012# Literally, 'to summon deities.' 
1013# We are told in Chapter 80 that the Kumas&ouml; had already been subdued under Em-peror Keiko. 
1014# K&ouml;t&ouml;; cf. 24:9; see also ADDITIONAL NOTE 15. 
1015# Sanipa; or perhaps, 'served as the sanipa [interpreter of the words of the deities].' 
1016# Or 'to receive the words of the deity.' 
1017# The early Japanese thought Korea a land of fabulous wealth. 
1018# Literally, 'This under-heaven is not the land you are to rule.' In other words, your lack of faith reveals that you are unfit to rule this kingdom, let alone a fabulously rich overseas empire. 
1019# Evidently a divine curse condemning him to death. Similar in spirit to certain parts of the Hebrew Scriptures, this dramatic incident illustrates the immediacy of divine retribution for a lack of belief in a divine revelation. The emperor's statement in verse 5 may be an example of k&ouml;t&ouml;-ag&euml; (cf. 86:3). 
1020# His death date may be 362; cf. 98:32. 
1021# Arak&iuml; n&ouml; miya; compare with the funeral house (mo-ya) of 34:3. Both were buildings in which the dead person lay in state during the funeral ceremonies. According to the Nihon shoki, Emperor Chuai's death was concealed, and his funeral, involving the laborious construction of a burial mound, had to be postponed. Aston, I, 222-23. 
1022# Opo-nusa; the expiatory offerings collected before a regional grand exorcism. In the Heian period these offerings were formalized in the following terms: "Whenever the various lands are to conduct a Great Exorcism, let each county produce one sword, one [animal] hide, one hoe, and miscellaneous offerings: one amount of hemp from each household; and let the kuni-n&ouml;-miyatuko of the land produce one horse." Jingi Ryo. 
1023# The commentators state that this exorcism was local, involving only Tukusi. In the early Heian period, a national Great Exorcism was customarily held twice a year, at the end of the sixth and twelfth months. 
1024# Tumi. The sins mentioned correspond to those enumerated in the norito for the Great Exorcism of the Last Day of the Sixth Month in the Engi-shiki. The first five are mentioned there as "heavenly sins" (ama-tu-tumi). Most of these sins have to do with agriculture and some with black magic, and all of them were perpetrated by Susa-n&Ouml;-wo during his ravages in Takama-n&ouml;-para. The other sins listed correspond to the "earthly sins" (kuni-tu-tumi), which in the Engi-shiki include both sex offenses and such pollutions as skin diseases and impurities emanating from insects, as well as witchcraft. 
1025# Cf. 16:7. 
1026# Cf. 16:2. 
1027# Cf. 16:3. 
1028# Literally, 'upper and lower adulterous marriages'; believed to refer to illicit relations between children and parents. The norito mentioned above is more specific: "The sin of violating one's own mother, the sin of violating one's own child, the sin of violating a mother and her child, the sin of violating a child and her mother. . . ."
1029# The norito uses only a general term, "the sin of transgression with animals."
1030# Opo-parape. In addition to their customary semi-annual performance, these exorcisms were held whenever a pollution occurred or, evidently, when the divine wrath was incurred. In this case, it was promptly held when it was learned that the death of the emperor was caused by a divine curse. 
1031# Sanipa; cf. 92:2. 
1032# I.e., Empress Okinaga-tarasi-pime. 
1033# Okinaga-tarasi-pime, who was serving as the spirit medium for the deity. One can easily understand how the medium in whom the deity was residing might have been regarded as an incarnation of the deity. 
1034# The three deities of Sumi-n&ouml;-ye, first mentioned in 11:16-21. These are the deities of the Adumi family, who may have played an important part in the fourth-century Yamat&ouml; expeditions to Korea. See Adumi in GLOSSARY, and also 94:7. 
1035# At this time the local deities of Sumi-n&ouml;-ye in Kyushu became known to the Yamat&ouml; court? Cf. 132:18. 
1036# Or 'my spirit'; probably the spirit(s) of the three gods of Sumi-n&ouml;-ye, who were sea-deities and gave protection in ocean travel. 
1037# Ma-k&iuml;, literally, 'true wood'; what species of wood is unclear. 
1038# Pirade; flat vessels made of several layers of large leaves sewn together; used to bear food offerings. 
1039# Some sort of magic to ensure a safe ocean crossing. 
1040# Or empress? 
1041# Mi-ma-kapi; a lowly position. 
1042# That is, he will continually send tribute ships to Japan. Tribute from the kingdoms of Paekche [Kudara] and Silla [Siragi] was one of the most important objects in Japan's intervention in the Korean peninsula; even after the loss of the Japanese colony in southern Korea in 562 and after the entire peninsula had been unified under Silla, this tribute to the Japanese court continued but gradually changed into the usual patterns of commercial exchanges between two states. See Suematsu, pp. 252-57. 
1043# The expressions used bear an unmistakable resemblance to a passage from the norito for the Grain-Petitioning Festival in the Engi-shiki:<br>       On the blue ocean<br>       As far as the prows of the ship can reach<br>       Without stopping to dry their oars,<br>       On the great ocean the ships teem continuously...<br>The two ideographs 無退 translated 'unceasing' above are a term associated with Buddhist writings. 
1044# Watari n&ouml; miyak&euml;; i.e., an overseas direct possession of the court in which there was a government office to collect taxes and tributes, etc. This claim of direct dominion was strictly true only of the Japanese colony of Mimana, which from about 370 until it was taken in 562, was under the direct rule of the Yamat&ouml; state. The kingdoms of Paekche and Silla were indirectly controlled by Yamat&ouml;, to which they were obliged to present tribute. Suematsu, pp. 253-54. 
1045# Empress Okinaga-tarasi-pime. 
1046# To implant one's staff anywhere was to claim ownership. Thus she asserted her rights of dominion over Silla. 
1047# Ara-mi-tama; the active, dynamic aspect of a deity, as opposed to nigi-mi-tama, his passive, "soft" aspect. 
1048# Cf. 11:16-21, 93:9. 
1049# The accounts of Empress Jingu's expedition to Korea are extremely anecdotal;<br>       they are not confirmed by any Korean or Chinese records, and their inadmissibility as historical fact has been ably argued by Tsuda (Nihon koten no kenkyu, I, 87-137). For modern. reconstructions of the history of early Korean-Japanese relations, see Tsuda (op. cit.) and Suematsu, Mimana koboshi. Wedemeyer's pre-war Japanische Fr&uuml;hgeschichte contains sections on early Korean-Japanese relations but is now somewhat dated.<br>       The reader should remember that the Kojiki and Nihon shoki were written after Japan had lost its position in Korea. The Nihon shoki abounds in accounts of Korean affairs, many quoted from Korean sources, but the Kojiki includes only highly dubious anecdotal material. 
1050# Maturi-g&ouml;t&ouml;; cf. 84:3. 
1051# Literally, 'to pacify her august womb.' She did not wish to give birth to the child during the Korean expedition. 
1052# Or 'a stone'; but it appears from the sources quoted in ADDITIONAL NOTE 25 that there were two stones. 
1053# This may have been an ancient magic practice to postpone birth. 
1054# I.e., after her triumphal return from Korea. 
1055# Pomuda-wak&euml;-n&ouml;-mik&ouml;t&ouml; (Emperor Ojin). 
1056# This can mean 'birth.' 
1057# These stones were very famous in their time; see ADDITIONAL NOTE 25. 
1058# Ayu. 
1059# The Nihon shoki confirms this custom and adds that men may also fish at that time, but are never able to catch anything (Aston, 1, 227).<br>       The Manyoshu (V, 869) includes a poem on the subject by Yamanoue no Okura:       Who has seen the stone	Tarasi-pime       Where stood	Kam&iuml; n&ouml; mik&ouml;t&ouml; n&ouml;       The divine ruler	Na turasu t&ouml;       Tarasi-pime [Empress Jingu]		       [or: Ayu turu t&ouml;]       Angling for fish?	Mitatasi serisi       [or: Angling for trout?]	Isi wo tare mikiThere is also a series of nine songs [V, 855-863] in the Manyoshu about the local girls fishing for trout in the Matura River. One of them, by Otomo no Tabibito, says:       At Matura River,	Matura-gapa       The rapids of the stream sparkle	Kapa n&ouml; se pikari       As you, dear maiden, stand there	Ayu turu t&ouml;       Angling for trout,	Tataseru imo ga       Your skirt-hem moistened by the waters.	Mo n&ouml; suso nurenu [V, 855]Kati-do-pime rock was known locally until it was buried under water in a flood in 1620. The tradition that only women could obtain a good catch continued until recent times. Tsugita, p. 432. 
1060# The ideograph is the one used for the death of a reigning emperor. All this was done as a ruse because the empress doubted the loyalty of the populace. 
1061# Children of another consort of Emperor Chuai: cf. 91:2. The events of this chapter represent a succession struggle, as is apparent from the much more detailed Nihon shoki account (cf. Aston, I, 236-41). 
1062# Uk&euml;pi-gari; literally, oath-hunting. For uk&euml;pi see 14:10. They sought to discover the divine will by success or failure in hunting. The result is, of course, disaster, but Osikuma-n&ouml;-miko decides his own fate by willfully disregarding this omen. 
1063# Following Motoori (Kojiki-den, IV, 1764). 
1064# Pomuda-wak&euml;-n&ouml;-mik&ouml;t&ouml; (91:4); during his youth, while his mother Empress Jingu acted as regent, he was called the crown prince. 
1065# That is, the crown prince's forces had pursued the rebel forces. 
1066# I.e., Isapi-n&ouml;-sukune. 
1067# After the ideographs there is a gloss which says, "Another name is [phonetic] usayuduru." Evidently the latter word also meant "extra bowstring," "spare bowstring." This gloss is lacking in the Shimpuku-ji manuscript. 
1068# Lake Biwa (the lake of Apumi). 
1069# Interpreting the word agi as 'my child,' 'my lad'; may be related to Modern Korean agi, also meaning 'child.' 
1070# Birds which are known to dive into the water; the same as the mipo birds in 101:22. 
1071# M&iuml;s&ouml;gi; cf. 11: 1. Evidently, in order to rid the crown prince of the pollutions occasioned by the bloodshed of the battle with Osi-kuma-n&ouml;-miko, Takesi-uti-n&ouml;-sukune took him to the seashore to perform ritual purificatory ablutions. 
1072# Kari-miya. 
1073# Kosi n&ouml; miti-n&ouml;-kuti; later called Echizen. 
1074# Kurano interprets the passage as "I desire to exchange my name for that of the prince" (Kurano and Takeda, Kojiki norito, p. 235). It is unclear whether the deity wishes to assume the prince's name or give his name to the prince. See the Nihon shoki account, which makes the exchange mutual (Aston, I, 254-55). 
1075# Takesi-uti-n&ouml;-sukune in behalf of the young prince? 
1076# K&ouml;t&ouml;-pogi. 
1077# Iruka. 
1078# Mi-k&euml; n&ouml; na; that is, the sacred viands of the deity. 
1079# Ti. 
1080# Ura. 
1081# Crown prince Pomuda-wak&euml;-n&ouml;-mik&ouml;t&ouml;. 
1082# Mati-zak&euml;; literally, 'waiting wine'; wine made while awaiting the return of a loved one, to be drunk after his arrival. The wine may have been brewed to divine whether the person was safe. 
1083# This is a religious song of wine-praising, making use of the convention of denying human agency and affirming divine responsibility for the successful brewing. The process of fermentation must have been considered miraculous in antiquity. 
1084# Kusi n&ouml; kami. Kusi, related to the words kusuri, 'medicine,' kususi, 'wondrous,' and kusibi, 'wondrous working,' appears also in the words k&ouml;t&ouml;na-gusi and we-gusi in the song in 104:15-20. The word kami, phonemically distinct from kam&iuml;, 'god,' may mean 'lord,' 'ruler,' 'governor,' or perhaps 'brewing.' In the latter case kusi n&ouml; kami would mean 'a wondrous brewing.' 
1085# Cf. 30:7. 
1086# There were evidently stone images of this deity. See Takeda, Kiki kayosu zenko,p.105. 
1087# These lines may reflect an ancient custom of dancing around the place where the wine was being brewed, to assist its fermentation. 
1088# This exclamation is either an invitation to drink or a sacred formula having ritualistic properties. 
1089# Tudumi; corresponds to the modern tsuzumi, a hand-drum shaped like an hourglass with the thick ends hollowed out. Here, the drum was stood on end and wine made in the hollow end. Drums played an important part in Japanese religious ceremonies. 
1090# Or saka-pokapi-uta, 'wine-blessing songs.' Takeda's reading is saka-kura, which would mean 'wine-feast' (Kiki kayoshu zenko, p. 107). Variants of both these songs are recorded in the Nihon shoki and the Kinkafu, an early Heian collection of court songs. The latter indicates that the songs were sung on the Toka no sechie, a celebration held on the sixteenth day of the first month of the year (Ibid., pp. 387-89). 
1091#壬戌 mizunoe inu, the fifty-ninth year of each cycle. The correct date was probably 362. See Wedemeyer, p. 17; Kanda, p. 161. The Nihon shoki has the year 200. The Kojiki year could also be 182, 242, 302, etc. 
1092# The location of her tomb corresponds exactly to that of Emperor Seimu's (90:6). Motoori was convinced that this fragment was a later gloss relying on the Nihon shoki. Cf. Kojiki-den, IV, 1802-1803. 
1093# There is a Ma-waka-n&ouml;-miko among the offspring of Emperor Keiko (cf. 77:7). 
1094# A child of Emperor Keiko (77:3). 
1095# The story of his rebellion is told in Chapter 105. 
1096# Cf. verse 13. 
1097# Emperor Nintoku (cf. 109:1). 
1098# The manuscripts have 'Aguti'; emended to 'Apadi'; cf. 108:3. 
1099# Only four children are listed. 
1100# Emperor Ojin's favorite son and his chosen successor (see 100:2, 6, Chapter 105). 
1101# Cf. 109:4, 112:2, Chapter 114. 
1102# Cf. Chapter 115. 
1103# Cf. 109:5. 
1104# Cf. 89:13. 
1105# His descendants are recorded in 108:1. 
1106# Cf. Chapter 115. 
1107# Cf. 77-8, 89:15-16. 
1108# A child of the same name is listed in verse 4 above. There are a number of such discrepancies in this chapter's genealogies. 
1109# The listed children actually total 27; there were 12, not 11, male children. 
1110# Or 'Whom do you [or would you] love more-an elder brother or a younger brother?' See also 70:2. 
1111# Opo-yama-mori was evidently the oldest of the three brothers (cf. 99:4). 
1112# I.e. 'speaking separately,' 'addressing each of them distinctly,' 'making distinctions between them,' etc. 
1113# Maturi-g&ouml;t&ouml;. The 'government of the mountains and seas' may mean the rule of the sea and mountain corporations: the Ama-be, the Yama-be, and the Yama-mori-be; the last is reminiscent of the name Opo-yama-mori-n&ouml;-mik&ouml;t&ouml;. 
1114# Wosu-kuni. 
1115# I.e. to be responsible, as prime minister or regent, to the Emperor Udi-n&ouml;-waki-iratuko. 
1116# Ama-tu-pi-tugi. The youngest of the three sons is chosen as the heir apparent; for ultimogeniture, see 46:1. 
1117# But cf., Chapter 105. 
1118# Or 'houses,' 'yards.' 
1119# Kuni n&ouml; po; cf. 87:2. A land-viewing (kuni-mi) song, blessing the land and praising its plenty and abundance. The Nihon shoki includes an identical song. 
1120# Cf. 41:1. A question about a maiden's identity signified a proposal of marriage, and possibly, by revealing her name, the maiden gave her consent. 
1121# Cf. 99:7. 
1122# Or 'having her hold.' 
1123# The speaker puts himself in the place of the crab. Perhaps crab was served at the feast; salted crab and venison were the delicacies of an ancient feast, and crabs and deer often figure in antique songs and dances. Takeda, Kiki kay&ouml;shu zenko, p.112. See the delightful crab and deer songs that were sung by traveling performers, in the Manyoshu (XVI, 3885-86). 
1124# See 96:21. Mipo and nipo may be the same bird. 
1125# Here the diction shifts from the third to the first person, and honorific forms are used in reference to the speaker, as in the song in Chapter 25 (cf. note to 25:17). All interesting parallel is found in Ainu epic poetry, where the speakers normally use honorific verb forms to refer to themselves; the reciters feel that they must use respectful forms to refer to divine beings, even when they are ostensibly speaking of themselves. See Kindaichi, Ainu-go kenkyu (Sanseido, 1960), p. 232. Some similar reasoning may explain the auto-honorific diction in these ancient Japanese verses. 
1126# The Shimpuku-ji manuscript has 'Itiwi.' 
1127# In the original text the word naka, 'middle,' is modified by mitu-guri n&ouml; ('as three chestnuts') -- a conventional epithet probably used because there are three nuts at the center of the chestnut pod. 
1128# This is the longest song in the Kojiki, and may have been used to accompany dancing at feasts. For another translation, see Brower and Miner, pp. 59-60. 
1129# Prince Opo-usu also desired maidens destined for his father (78:1-2), but the outcome was quite different in that case. 
1130# T&ouml;y&ouml;-n&ouml;-akari; cf. 112:1, 115:38, 116:1, 118:3, 119:15, 133:11. T&ouml;y&ouml; is a frequently used word probably meaning 'abundant.' Akari may be connected with the word for 'red or 'ruddy'; that is, the emperor's face became flushed with the wine drinking at a state banquet. The term was applied, in particular, to the state banquet held at the annual Harvest Festival. 
1131# Kasipa, 'oak.' It appears that oak leaves were folded or sewn together and used as wine-cups at ancient wine banquets. In 112:1 the empress makes a trip to the land of K&iuml; expressly to gather such leaves for a state banquet. Originally, the, word kasipade, 'food-server,' meant 'oak-leaf bearer.' 
1132# See note to 101:43. Cf. also 133:35ff and 133:76ff. 
1133# Following Takeda (Kiki kayoshu zenko, p.118) in the interpretation of potumori. Another theory is that potumori means the ruddy fruit hidden among the branches. 
1134# This song is composed of loosely connected associations of ideas, and was almost certainly originally independent of thnarrative. Takeda (Ibid.) interprets the final two lines as, "Ah come now / And put her as an ornament in your hair." Although this interpretation may be linguistically correct, the verb sasu which is used here may be more logically understood to mean 'to stake out one's claim on,' 'to assume as one's property,' 'to take as one's own' -- as in line 24 of tile following song. 
1135# Cf. 68:8. 
1136# The nunapa is an edible water plant, in modern Japanese the junsai. Takeda interprets these two lines as, "Not knowing that you had pulled it in the nunapa, / Stretching forth your hands." Kiki kayoshu zenko, pp. 119-20. 
1137# The Nihon shoki records all the songs in this chapter in the same narrative context, except for this one song, which it has Prince Opo-sazaki sing upon hearing his father's previous song. Since the song is one of self-derision for one's own obtuseness, the Kojiki account is more credible. 
1138# Or 'like a deity.' 
1139# Literally, 'shares the same pillow.' 
1140# Pi n&ouml; miko. 
1141# Usually attributed to Emperor Ojin, Pomuda-wak&euml;-n&ouml;-mik&ouml;t&ouml;. It may also be a place name; thus, 'OPo-sazaki from Pomuda.' 
1142# These two lines are extremely difficult. I have followed Takeda's interpretation, which depends on the assumption that puyu means 'spiritual working' (Kiki kayoshu zenko, p.123). Puyu may, however, be a verb (like puru) meaning 'to shake,' thus giving 'But the tip is shaking.' Still another possible translation is 'to freeze.' In this context, puyu appears to be an introductory element, because of phonetic association, for puyu-k&iuml; (winter tree?) which follows it in the original. 
1143# Or perhaps, 'leafless trunk.' 
1144# An exclamation appearing also in 117:16. It may characterize the plant's waving motion or rustling sound, or it may be related to the adjective for 'pure,' 'clean. "A verse praising the purity of the sword," says Takeda (Ibid.). Although lines 7-8 are hopelessly obscure and 9-10 not entirely clear, this seems, essentially, to be a song praising a sword and, indirectly, its possessor. Takeda beheves that it was transmitted as an accompaniment for a sword dance. Another interesting theory is that songs of this type were sung by subordinate peoples or tribes to express their fealty to the Yamat&ouml; court. See Aiso, p. 180. The Nihon shoki records the next song, but not this one. 
1145# Y&ouml;kusu. The usual mortar for brewing wine was tall with a round opening at the top; this mortar would have been long, with an elongated opening. 
1146# Literally, 'they struck their mouth-drums,' i.e., made percussive noises with their mouths. 
1147# The final verse may be a refrain which is not an integral part of the lyrics. The Nihon shoki notes that whenever the Kuzu presented their local produce to the court, they sang this song, made clacking noises, and laughed. Aston, I, 264. 
1148# Cf.105:49. The Nihon shoki records that they presented such produce as chestnuts, mushrooms, and trout (ayu). Aston, I, 264. In the Heian period, the Kuzu came to court to perform songs and flute music at the annual Harvest Festival and at the ceremony held on the third day of the eleventh month. The song in lines 13-19, probably in a recent reconstruction, is still in the repertory of the imperial court musicians; it is performed in the Daijoe ceremony at the time of an emperor's accession. 
1149# But cf. 62:22. 
1150# Following Motoori's emendation of the text. According to the manuscripts this would read, 'and brought them across to.' If this is accepted, the next two words embankments [and] ponds' become a proper name, Tutumi-n&ouml;-ik&euml;. 
1151# The Nihon shoki attributes this immigration to the seventh year of Ojin's reign. Aston, I, 257. Many historians question the historicity of the mass immigrations attributed to this period. 
1152# A king of Paekche who died in 375 A.D. after a reign of some 30 years. Tsuda holds that relations between Paekche and the Yamat&ouml; court were begun, and that writing was introduced to Yamatb by Paekche Koreans during this reign. Nihon koten no kenkyu, I, 24-27. It was also during the reigns of Seuko and Ojin that Japan began to put military pressure on Silla. Ibid., 108. On Paekche-Yama&ouml; relations during the years 366-76, see Suematsu, pp. 56-59. 
1153# According to the Nihon shoki, Ati-kisi came to Japan in the fifteenth year of Ojin's reign and became the tutor ofUdi-n&ouml;-wak&iuml;-iratuko, the heir apparent. Aston, I, 261-62. 
1154# This sword and mirror are said to correspond to the "seven-branched sword" (nana-saya n&ouml; tati) and mirror mentioned in the Nihon shoki as a Paekche gift to Empress Jingu (cf. Aston, I, 251). The Iso-n&ouml;-kami Shrine has a seven-pronged sword which is believed to be this sword. It is 75 cm. long and has six prongs, three on each side, besides its point, thus making the "seven branches." Its inscription says that it was made in Paekche in 369 A.D. and presented to Japan -- which corresponds perfectly to what we know of the chronology of the reigns of Ojin and Empress Jingu and appears to confirm  the veracity of these accounts. See Tsugita, p.468; Zukai kokogaku jiten, pp. 410-11; Nishida Nagao, Nihon koten no shiteki kenkyu (Risosha, 1956), pp. 1-38. 
1155# The Thousand-Character Classic as we know it today became current at a later period; probably some other compilation was known by this name, or the later work was assigned an erroneously early provenance. 
1156# For the weavers of Kure (Wu), see the differing account in Aston, I, 269-70. 
1157# For the ancestor of the Pata (the "Lord of Yutsuki") and of the Aya, see Aston, I, 261, 264-65. We are told that the ancestor of the Aya and his son brought with them "a company of their people of seventeen districts." Ibid., p. 265.  Tsuda denies that the early immigrants could have come in such great numbers. Nihon koten no kenkyu, II, 232-33. See also 118:6. 
1158# Cf. 118:4. 
1159# K&ouml;t&ouml;na-gusi; k&ouml;t&ouml;na is interpreted as k&ouml;t&ouml; (event) na (from nasi, not), thus, 'uneventful,' 'peaceful,' 'untroubled'; gusi is kusi, the word for wine in 98:5. 
1160# We-gusi; we is supposedly from the verb wemu, 'to smile.' The metrical form of this song coincides in general with the pattern of the later sedoka form, which is typically 577577. In the original text the third and sixth lines are identical. 
1161# The command in 99:6. Opo-sazaki's filial obedience is emphasized both here and in 99:7. 
1162# I.e. Udi-n&ouml;-wak&iuml;-iratuko. 
1163# Toneri. 
1164# I.e., cloth like hemp from vegetable fibers, not fine silk cloth. 
1165# The word translated 'take' may also mean 'kill.' He asks this perhaps not only for information but also for a sign in the reply by which to divine the success or failure of his venture. 
1166# Udi-n&ouml;-wak&iuml;-iratuko plunged Opo-yama-mori into the water. 
1167# The final line is difficult. Takeda supposes that this song and the narrative about Opo-yama-mori's death were transmitted by his descendants, who are especially mentioned in verse 47; he draws attention to similar modern folk tales in which a monkey sings a song while floating down a river. Kiki kayoshu zenko, p.127. The song appears also in the Nihon shoki. 
1168# I.e., they did not shoot at him, but drove him down the river, preventing him from climbing out. 
1169# Kawara; an ononmatopoeia. 
1170# Both these trees were widely used as materials for bows. 
1171# Ti-paya-pit&ouml;, a literary epithet. In the preceding song it is ti-paya-buru, 'of the raging billows.' 
1172# In the narrative context, his father, Emperor Ojin. 
1173# In context, someone beloved by Opo-yama-mori. In other words, Udi-n&ouml;-wakiiratuko, remembering their father and the wife or sister of his brother, was prevented from taking the life ('cutting down') of his brother. of course, the song probably had an independent origin. 
1174# Both for its mood and its stylistic quality Tachibana Moribe held this poem to be one of the three or four great songs in the Kojiki and Nihon shoki. Itsu no koto-waki, p. 219; see also Aston, I, 275-76. 
1175# Perhaps, 'they weep because their things [their produce, i.e., fish] are apt to spoil soon.' Or perhaps, 'Most people weep because they are unable to acquire things, but the Ama weep because they cannot get rid of theirs.'
1176# The ideograph used is the one applied to the deaths of ruling emperors. The Nihon shoki tells us that he committed suicide in order to solve the moral stalemate between himself and his equally self-effacing brother. Kanda (pp. 29-30) suggests that Udi-n&ouml;-wak&iuml;-iratuko did not die a natural death or commit suicide, but was killed by Oposazaki in a violent struggle for power, and that this pious story was added as a camouflage. The story of two brothers stubbornly yielding to each other appears again in 137: 42-44. This type of narrative, unmistakably influenced by Chinese ideology, seems to have appealed strongly to the Kojiki compiler. 
1177# That is, long before the reign of Emperor Ojin. The Nihon shoki dates the arrival of this legendary prince to the third year of the reign of Emperor Suinin. Because his great-great-grandson Tadima-mori (see verse 24) served Emperor Suinin (Chapter 76), the events of this chapter could not, at any rate, have taken place during Ojin's reign. On the fruitless question of the chronology of Am&euml;-n&ouml;-pi-pok&ouml;'s arrival see Mishina Akihide, Nissen shinwa densetsu no kenkyo (Osaka: Yanagihara Shoten, 1943), pp. 207-49. 
1178# Why does this Korean prince have a Japanese name? For a variant of this story see Aston, I, 166-270; there are scattered references to it also in the Harima fudoki. 
1179# Numa; or lagoon'? 
1180# The type of myth in which a woman becomes pregnant by receiving the sun's rays was widespread among the Mongols, Manchus, and KokuryO Koreans of antiquity. Mishina is undoubtedly correct in ascribing Manchu-Mongolian influence to this account (Shinwa to bunka kyoiki [Daiyasu Shuppansha, 1948], pp. 217-61, esp. 236-37). Sun-pregnancy myths occur nowhere else in early Japanese literature, and this account was probably brought to Japan by early continental immigrants. See Mishina. in Kojiki taisei, V, 80. 
1181# Aka-dama. Although the account explicitly states that it was a 'jewel' (tama can sometimes mean a stone), there is little doubt that this story is related to the widespread myth in which the primal ancestor is born from an egg. This particular type of account is found in Asia in an arc from India through Tibet, Assam, Burma, Indochina, the Philippines, Hainan, Taiwan, and Korea. Mishina believes that such oviparous elements  do not occur in the ancestral myths proper to the races living in the interior of continental Asia and that the Koreans received their egg-birth myths from the south and then transmitted them to the Japanese. For a comprehensive analysis of these egg myths see his Shinwa to bunka kyoki, pp.12-94- It will be remembered that the stones used by Empress Jingu in 95:2 were egg-shaped (see ADDITIONAL NOTE 25). 
1182# Similar to 53:6ff. 
1183# Literally, 'I am not a woman who ought to be your wife'; that is, 'I am too good a wife for such as you.' 
1184# 'The land of my parents' or 'the land of my mother.' Evidently Japan was her home because it was the "land of the sun." Cf. the Korean myth given in ADDITIONAL NOTE 26. 
1185# Cf. 84:2. 
1186# The hero of Chapter 76. 
1187# Mepi. 
1188# I.e., mother; on this cf. 63:29. 
1189# Tama-tu-takara. 
1190# Nami-puru-pire; cf. the fetishes in 23:7; see also ADDITIONAL NOTES 14-15 for a discussion of fetishes. 
1191# Nami-kiri-pire. 
1192# Kaze-purti-pire. 
1193# Kaze-kiru-pire. 
1194# Oki-tu-kagami; these mirrors may have been fetishes for safe voyages, cf. 44:13. 
1195# Pe-tu-kagami. 
1196# I.e., the eight fetishes were the objects of worship at Idusi Shrine. For later information about these articles, see Aston, I, 185-86. 
1197# Or 'this deity'; evidently the deities of 107:29. Perhaps there was a supernatural marriage like that in Chapter 53. 
1198# Yaso-gami, or 'eighty deities.' Opo-kuni-nusi's eighty brothers also vied for the hand of Ya-gami-pime in 21:2. This type of tale appears also in the Taketori monogatari. 
1199# A personification of autumn. 
1200# A personification of spring. For the significance of these names, see GLOSSARY. 
1201# Ureduku. 
1202# The jacket and trousers. 
1203# Cf. 53:3. 
1204# Evidently this is a variant, like that of Chapter 53, of the supernatural marriage tale. 
1205# Paru-yama-n&ouml;-kasumi-wot&ouml;ko, the younger brother. 
1206# I.e., mother. 
1207# Wa ga mi-y&ouml; n&ouml; k&ouml;t&ouml;; perhaps also, 'As long as I am alive,' 'While we are alive.' 
1208# Y&ouml;ku k&ouml;s&ouml; kam&iuml;-narapam&euml;; or 'let us imitate the gods.' 
1209# Utusiki awo-pit&ouml;-gusa; cf. 10:9. 
1210# This statement contains a rudimentary moral philosophy unusual in the Kojiki. The Hagoromo story also emphasizes the innocence and purity of the heavenly maiden and the selfishness of human beings. In one version in a fragment of the Tango fudoki, the heavenly maiden says: "The feelings of the heavenly beings are based on trust. Why do you, full of distrust, refuse me my garment?" To this the human being replies: "It is the way of this world to be full of distrust and to lack trust. It was in this frame of mind that I decided to refuse." Fudoki, 306. 
1211# Pit&ouml;-y&ouml;-dak&euml;; literally, 'one-jointed bamboo.' There are textual variations here, and the interpretation is uncertain. 
1212# Ya-m&euml;; n&ouml; ara-ko [or yatu-m&euml; n&ouml; ara-ko]; or, perhaps, 'a coarse basket with eight openings.' This may be connected with the 'eight years' in verse 27. 
1213# Since a causative construction is used in the original text, some commentators believe that the meaning is, 'she caused the younger brother to curse him.' Probably the meaning is simply 'she caused him to be cursed.' The curse itself is an excellent example of sympathetic magic. For a similar curse, see 44:11. 
1214# Or 'brine,' 'sea-water.' 
1215# So that the heat would quickly wither the leaves and dry up the salt? The ideograph for 'hearth' is the one meaning 'smoke.' 
1216# I.e., mother. 
1217# Or 'reversed the magic curse.' 
1218# Kam&iuml; n&ouml; ureduku; an expression of the belief that wagers were somehow regulated or solemnized by the gods. 
1219# Cf. 99:9. This genealogy is of great importance because, after Emperor Buretsu died childless (141:4), a great-great-grandson of this Waka-nu-k&euml;-puta-mata-n&ouml;-miko came to the throne as Emperor Keitai. With Emperor Buretsu the line of Emperor Nintoku came to an end, and this prince's descendants subsequently formed a new dynasty (see notes to Chapter 141). 
1220# Cf. 89:13, 99:9. 
1221# The great-grandfather of Emperor Keitai; cf. 141:5. 
1222# She became the wife of Emperor Ingyo and the mother of Emperors Anko and Yuryaku (121:2). Another princess with the same name is recorded among Emperor Ojin's children (99:12). 
1223# The text is corrupt and the manuscripts differ somewhat on the names in this verse. I have followed Motoori's text which reads, "Okinaga n&ouml; kimi, Sakata n&ouml; Saka-bit&ouml; n&ouml; kimi," but the Shimpuku-ji manuscript, for example, has, "Naga saka [n&ouml;] kimi, Saka-bit&ouml; [n&ouml;] kimi."
1224# Cf. 99:5. 
1225# Mama-imo.
1226# Cf. 99:6. 
1227# This is the only reference to this prince in the Kojiki; he may have been included here by mistake. 
1228# 甲午 kinoe uma. The thirty-first year of the sixty-year cycle. The most reasonable equivalent is 394 A.D. The Nihon shoki gives Ojin's death date as 310.